Ever drive onto the Beltway outside Washington DC, or the equivalent in your home town, during rush-hour and wish there were a couple more lanes available?
The residents of Nay Pyi Taw, Burma, probably don’t share your concerns. The tiny handful of in-bound motorists has TEN lanes to choose from – as do their out-bound colleagues on the other side. The main road into the Southeast Asian nation’s newly-built capital feels more like a shipping lane than a traffic artery.
My portfolio at the British Embassy in Washington includes the dynamic Asia-Pacific region with issues ranging from denuclearisation in North Korea to de-escalation of tensions in the South China Sea. Burma is one of the areas of my portfolio undergoing the most remarkable change.
Last September, I found myself coasting along the colossal highway into Nay Pyi Taw, on my first visit to Burma. The rest of the city was equally impressive. Cavernous, marble-clad official buildings dotted an otherwise serene and empty wilderness. Luxurious hotels lurked in isolation. Besides the curmudgeonly security guard, the winding streets were lifeless.
But once inside the cool, palatial government complexes, discussions with officials and parliamentarians were warm, wide-ranging and astonishingly frank. My admittedly briefly-formed impression was of an administration and legislature committed to the new, democratic path it had chosen, and which understood the daunting challenges ahead.
Burma has instituted some encouraging reforms. Events are shaping up to represent one of this century’s most remarkable political transitions. It’s hard to pinpoint a precise date when it all started. But the release from house arrest just over three years ago of democratic movement leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, is as good a point as any.
The governments, media and civil society of the free world now have to decide how best to encourage further reform in Burma, in the interests of all its citizens. The US, as the world’s foremost democracy, and the UK, as the Western power most closely associated with Burma’s modern history, are central to the international effort in support of transition. But as ever in the most high-profile diplomatic questions, we face difficult choices.
The Burmese military – the Tatmadaw – dictated over the country for nearly fifty years. It retains significant political and economic power, including 25% of all seats in parliament and an effective veto over constitutional reform. They will be crucial to the success or failure of democratic reforms. This argues for engagement.
But, as widely and expertly documented by institutions such as Human Rights Watch and the U.S. Campaign for Burma, the Tatmadaw also has a deeply troubling human rights record. Many argue it is premature to offer the Tatmadaw the recognition, engagement and practical support it craves. Many well-intentioned and well-informed observers in the US – from Congress to activist organisations – take this view. Similar questions have been posed by members of the British Parliament.
The UK government differs, however. UK Minister of State Hugo Swire argues in the Huffington Post that standing on the sidelines would only deny the Tatmadaw exposure to the values and ideals we espouse.
We are cautious. There is still a way to go towards tackling human rights concerns. We have discussed this in the UN, and the UK continues to robustly implement the EU arms embargo on Burma. Still, there are positive steps we can take together.
Aung San Suu Kyi herself has spoken of the importance of speaking with the Tatmadaw, and gave her personal support for appointing a resident UK Defence Attaché in Rangoon. During a recent visit to the UK, Suu Kyi addressed the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst. The symbolism of Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma’s independence leader, addressing the flagship military school of the former colonial rulers, was powerful. She used the occasion to press for careful but determined engagement with Burma’s armed forces, to help improve their human rights record. The UK is answering that call.
Most citizens of Burma – whether jammed onto the packed, chaotic roads of Rangoon or enjoying the expansive freedom of Nay Pyi Daw’s highways – are for the first time in decades beginning to enjoy the freedom of speech, association and democracy that we in the West often take for granted. But Burma is a complex place with many serious conflicts and social and political limitations still unresolved. The US, UK and international community must help Burma in its ongoing reintegration into the community of democracies. We should talk.